Author:

Abstract:

In this paper, we trace back the evolution of the inflectional variation of attributive adjectives in modern standard Dutch. This is the alternation that occurs between declined and undeclined adjectives in a definite NP with a singular neuter head noun, as illustrated by the distinction between het aardig-e kind ('the nice-INFLECTED child') and het aardig-φ kind ('the nice-ZERO child'). The present contribution is conceived as an analysis of the existing historical and dialectological literature on the inflectional variation. Consequently, it is by no means our intention to propose a detailed description of this development, but rather to sketch the major diachronic outlines to gain insight in the intricacy of the actual alternation. In particular, we will put the actual alternation between declined and undeclined adjectives in a broader diachronic context and shed light on the origin of the actual alternation and the intricate network of factors that constrain it.