This paper discusses the syntactic and semantic change observed in the history of Spanish evidential (semi-)auxiliaries parecer and resultar. It is shown that the periphrasis with parecer and resultar do not originate in the constructions with the complementizer que but are an extensión of the attributive construction. The diachronic and synchronic analyses also shed new light on Traugott’s claim of the unidirectional shift from subjectification towards intersubjectification, i.e. “the development of meanings that encode speaker/writers’ attention to the cognitive stances and social identities of addressees” (Traugott 2003: 124). The central claim is that the evidential verbs clearly undergo grammaticalization, but do not corroborate the postulated correlation between grammaticalization cline and intersubjectification. Rather, they suggest that less grammaticalized evidential constructions expressing intersubjective dimensions precede the more grammaticalized constructions with a subjective reading.